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Not All Women Regret Getting Abortions. I Don't Regret Mine, and Everyone Should Have the Choice


Editor’s note: Glamour is committed to supporting and advancing reproductive rights worldwide. A key component of our coverage is de-stigmatizing abortions and providing accurate and current information. These are our bodies and our choices and these stories deserve to be told.

Abortion is often spoken of as a terrible physical hardship, but I have a slightly different perspective. In my early twenties I had a medication abortion. A few years later I got terrible food poisoning. Both may have involved stomach pain and vomiting, but the latter was much more painful and extreme. I returned to having sex shortly after my abortion, but I haven’t been able to look at chicken curry salad since.

In the late aughts I was casually dating a man I met at work. I wasn’t using hormonal birth control because I suffered from aura migraines and my ob-gyn discouraged it due to a slightly increased stroke risk when the two are combined. I generally used condoms, but as I started to see this guy more, we occasionally cut corners. We spent a fun New Year’s Eve together, and three weeks later, I missed my period.

Having a child at the time seemed laughable. I was one year out of college, working a media job with pathetic pay, planning for graduate school, and living with roommates—and the guy and I hadn’t even defined our relationship.

I have been prochoice for as long as I’ve known what abortion was. My mom is a strong second-wave feminist, and I was raised to believe in reproductive justice. I was confronted with some antichoice views at my Midwestern college, but I held deeply to the belief that if you don’t believe in abortion, you don’t have to have one. So when I found myself staring at a positive pregnancy test, I did not feel like I was facing a moral dilemma.

The next day I called my ob-gyn’s office, and the receptionist gave me the number for a clinic that was close to my apartment. I made an appointment for the following Saturday.

The clinic (which wasn’t Planned Parenthood but has a similar mission) was in a nondescript area near a prominent New York City bridge. There was a woman near the clinic’s entrance who half-heartedly handed me some antichoice propaganda, but I waved her away. I was given a urine test and a sonogram, and then informed that I could opt for a medication abortion.

Medication abortion is an option in a woman’s first trimester of pregnancy, which is when 92 percent of abortions in America take place. It consists of two pills, mifepristone and misoprostol, which are taken 24 to 48 hours apart. Medication abortion is 98 percent effective when taken in the first eight weeks of pregnancy, and 93 percent effective when taken in the ninth and tenth weeks. Many women choose this because it is simpler than a surgical procedure, and in terms of side effects, it’s safer than getting your tonsils out.

I had no idea if my health insurance covered abortion and was afraid to call and ask, so I paid in cash. It cost $600, which was about half my savings.

I took the first pill at the clinic and went home. The next evening I treated myself to a Baskin Robbins mint chocolate chip ice cream, and took the second pill. It wasn’t the best night of my life. I experienced heavy cramps, and I threw up the ice cream. But eventually I took a painkiller that I had received at the clinic and fell asleep. The next day I went to work. I bled for a few days, but it wasn’t very different from a regular period. And life went on.

Abortion-rights advocates often use extremes to make their case. They talk about the need for legal abortion to help rape and incest victims or to prevent children from being born with illnesses that would lead to early, painful deaths. And abortion absolutely needs to be accessible for each one of the women who confront these situations, at all stages of pregnancy.

But the truth about most women who seek abortion doesn’t fit well on a poster. Many are like me: They just don’t want to have a baby at the time.

Reproductive rights remain under assault in America. President Trump recently signed an executive order eliminating federal funding for international organizations that include abortion counseling among their services. There is also legislation to make the Hyde Amendment permanent, banning Medicaid from paying for abortion. Not only is this a tool of the patriarchy; it isn’t economically sound for anyone. My medication abortion cost $600. It costs between $29,000 and $50,000 for Medicaid to pay for a pregnant woman’s health care, and that doesn’t include the child’s care.

Right now it isn’t legal to receive a medication abortion prescription without seeing a doctor, and many Republican state legislatures want to outlaw the option entirely in their states. But reproductive justice activists are creative, and advocacy groups are researching ways to make procuring the pills easier for women.

I know I was lucky. I was educated enough to notice when I missed my period. I had the resources to find a clinic. I was able to take time to go to my appointments without worrying about work or child care. I had $600 to pay for the procedure. I lived in a liberal city where a clinic was close by and reproductive health care was supported.

I’m 30 now and still child-free, with complicated feelings about whether motherhood will ever be right for me. Yet my feelings on abortion remain uncomplicated: Every woman should have the same choice as me.



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Gigi Hadid: I Don't Always Wake Up Feeling Like the Gigi the World Expects Me to Be


Gigi Hadid seems like she’s got it all together — she’s Gigi effing Hadid— but while accepting her award at Glamour‘s Women of the Year ceremony on Monday night, the supermodel shared that she doesn’t always feel like “Gigi Hadid, global supermodel.”

“I think my biggest responsibility, standing here, is to all the young women who are watching,” she said, after reading an exhaustive list of thank yous to fashion-industry icons, as well as her family. “I want to let you know that just because I’m standing here, winning this award, doesn’t mean that I have it all figured out. I’m so grateful for every opportunity, but that doesn’t mean that I wake up feeling like the Gigi the world expects me to be on a daily basis.”

The 22-year-old continued, “If you don’t feel strong every day, that’s okay, and it’s normal. Every day, something new can inspire you, and a small thought or idea or action can change the course of your day, your week, your month, your year. You’re never alone, and you’re never stuck, no matter how down you feel.”

Gigi’s ideas for getting unstuck? “Find what puts a pep in your step. React to what’s inspiring you by setting that into motion, creatively or otherwise. Wear something crazy. Go on a walk at sunrise. Donate your time to charity. Spend the day printing out pictures of whatever and make a binder of the hotel you hope to own one day, or the charity you hope to start,” she said. “Whatever makes you excited about your day is important, and your dreams are more powerful beyond materialization of them.”

She said that she also looks to other powerful women for inspiration. “What helps me through stress, anxiety, pressure, mentally, is looking up to other strong women and feeling empowered to change my day through celebrating them,” she said. “Our success is never just about us, it’s also about all women that paved the way so we could be here. It’s about the women we surround ourselves with and the characteristics we value, the inspiration and motivation women everywhere can give us to be better.”

Gigi added, “So tonight, I celebrate all of you being honored and celebrate women all over the world. You help people everywhere to think, ‘Yeah, I can do this,’ whatever ‘this’ may be, and you are amongst the women that inspired me to better myself and to seize my life. So thank you, and remember that we’re stronger when we celebrate each other.”



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Kim Kardashian Apologizes for Her Aaliyah Halloween Costume: 'We Don't See Color in My Home'


To say Kim Kardashian West went all out for Halloween weekend 2017 would be an understatement.

The reality superstar dressed up in not one, not two, but three separate costumes, each paying homage to some of music’s greatest female icons. Her looks included tributes to Cher, Madonna, and, most controversially, the late R&B singer Aaliyah.

Specifically, Kim wore Aaliyah’s exact outfit from her “Try Again” music video—including the singer’s famous sequin choker and statement grey eye makeup. And while yes, Kim’s outfit was certainly on point in terms of being an exact replica, many pointed out on social media that it was veering dangerously close to cultural appropriation.

“Legend or not Aaliyah is a Black woman and you’re not. It’s offensive and you shouldn’t push this limit, but OK,” one user, for example, tweeted at Kim.

Here’s a look at her costume, in case you missed it:

Today, Kim released a statement defending why she made the decision to dress as Aaliyah and apologizing to fans who may have been offended by her costume choice. As she wrote on her website, “When I was deciding what I wanted to be for Halloween this year, I had a lot of ideas that I narrowed down to musical icons and my second costume was Aaliyah. The look was inspired by what she wore in her ‘Try Again’ music video.” Kim added, “Aaliyah was such an amazing singer, and she will forever be a music legend. I saw online that some people thought my costume was in poor taste, and I am truly sorry if that offended anyone.”

Kim noted that when she was choosing her costumes she didn’t think of it as dressing as a race or culture “but rather as a woman whom I will always admire.” She added, “I play every kind of genre of music in my home, and I like for my kids to be exposed to many different artists.”

“For me, it’s always about love and respect,” she continued. “I loved that Kourtney was Michael Jackson for one of her costumes and that my son was Axl Rose,” she said. “We don’t see color in my home. We were paying homage to people and artists we love and respect—it’s that simple!”

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Twitter Users Have Many Feelings About Kim Kardashian’s Aaliyah Costume

Kim Kardashian’s Third Baby Is Arriving Sooner Than You Think





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Mila Kunis and Ashton Kutcher Don't Share Photos of Their Children—Here's Why


Less than a year ago, Ashton Kutcher and Mila Kunis welcomed their second child, a son named Dimitri Portwood. Three years prior, Kunis gave birth to a daughter, Wyatt Isabelle. Naturally, both Kutcher and Kunis’ lives have changed completely since having kids. Kunis told Marie Claire this month that motherhood has made her “ragged tired” and shown her how “selfless” she can be. “My kids are healthy, I’m happy,” she said.

But even though parenthood is such a huge part of their lives, we rarely see photos of Kunis, Kutcher, and their kids just out and about or on social media—and that’s not a coincidence. The actors intentionally choose to keep their children out of the public eye, and their reason is simple: Wyatt and Dimitri haven’t agreed to be public figures like their parents.

“I have conversations with people about this,” Kutcher told Arianna Huffington during an episode of the Thrive Global Podcast. “I actually think that that should be a choice…We actually feel that being public is a personal choice.”

He continued, “My wife and I have chosen a career where we’re in the public light. But my kids have not, so I think they should have the right to choose that…I don’t think they should have images of them that are out there as children that somebody could potentially blackmail or do whatever. It’s their private life. It’s not mine to give away.”

The implication here seems to be that Kunis and Kutcher wouldn’t mind their children becoming public figures if that’s what they wanted, but they’re just too young right now to make that call.

Of course, this doesn’t mean Kunis and Kutcher don’t take photos of their kids. Kutcher told Huffington he and Kunis have a “private social network” where they share pics of Wyatt and Dimitri with friends and family. “[This is] so the grandparents can see the kids and stuff, but we don’t share any photos of our kids publicly,” Kutcher said. Makes sense.

Related Stories:

Mila Kunis on Life With Ashton and Making Babies: ‘There’s Nothing We Don’t Know About Each Other’

Mila Kunis and Ashton Kutcher’s First Real Kiss Sounds Kind of Gross If You’re a Non-Smoker

Mila Kunis Just Revealed Some Major Details About How She and Ashton Kutcher Got Together



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The NFL Protests Are About Racism. Don't Let Trump Distract You


Colin Kaepernick’s protest began silently in 2016 and went largely unnoticed. In fact, it wasn’t until a post-game interview when a news outlet asked him why he didn’t stand during the national anthem that everyone became aware he was even protesting. “I am not going to stand up to show pride in a flag for a country that oppresses black people and people of color,” Kaepernick said. “To me, this is bigger than football and it would be selfish on my part to look the other way. There are bodies in the street and people getting paid leave and getting away with murder.”

To be honest, I didn’t have much of a reaction to Kaepernick when I first heard his statement beyond thinking, “Good for him.” It was only in retrospect that I understood how his choice of protest was like shooting an arrow into the American consciousness and hitting the bullseye. The National Football League is, after all, arguably the closest thing the United States has to a state-sponsored religion. Worship services take place all over the nation with at least three live broadcasts on major networks every Sunday. The pre-game national anthem has become a religious ceremony unto itself, with the US military paying advertising dollars to the NFL in efforts to recruit soldiers via highly coordinated displays of a certain kind of patriotism. NFL games reflect the mythos of American meritocracy: a racially diverse group of players on a level playing field battling it out until the best one wins. By taking a knee, Kaepernick disrupted this narrative, forcing the audience into awareness that many of the players were Black and that the playing field in which they lived was not, in fact, a level one.

Like many Black Americans who have protested racism in America, Kaepernick has suffered serious consequences for speaking up. Rosa Parks was fired from her job as a seamstress after refusing to stand and give her bus seat to a white man, and Kaepernick, after refusing to stand for the national anthem in protest of racism, has been blackballed by the NFL. If the NFL’s hope was that the matter would fade quietly after Kaepernick was pushed out of the league, that has decidedly backfired. Protests have grown exponentially to include not only the issue of police brutality, but the NFL’s infringement upon Kaepernick’s right to protest according to his political beliefs. Through it all, Kaepernick has remained mostly silent, seemingly focused primarily on putting his money where his politics are, donating $1 million to various poverty relief efforts.

Trump has insisted the central issue isn’t race as he seeks to reframe the protests to be an issue of patriotism and showing proper respect for the flag. However, he’s now used harsher language in speaking of Black athletes protesting racism than he’s used in speaking of the white supremacist who murdered Heather Heyer in Charlottesville. Given that Trump referred to former POW John McCain as being a loser for getting captured in Vietnam and attacked the Muslim family of a slain U.S. soldier, no serious minded person can believe that his recent targeting of the NFL—a sport where roughly two-thirds of the players are Black—is about patriotism and not racism. The fact that the majority of players protesting have been Black, and that Trump used racially loaded language in referring to them, only makes it clearer.

Like many others, I took to Twitter this weekend to continually drive this point home: that while Trump claims to be defending the honor of the U.S. flag, he’s really just continuing his agenda of white nationalism and voicing opposition to those who protest racism and police brutality, both things he has openly advocated.

Yet, while they may bristle at Trump’s comments, many in the NFL seem more comfortable with Trump being made the central issue instead of racism. Several teams chose to link arms during Sunday’s pregame shows in what they described as displays of unity in the face of Trump’s divisive statements. Though Kaepernick’s protest began over an issue he deemed “bigger than football,” by Monday, discussion had shifted from Kaepernick being sidelined for protesting police brutality to the feud that now existed between the President of the United States and the owners of the NFL.

That issue, it appears, is more comfortable for both the NFL and mainstream media outlets to digest than the core issue of America’s problem with racism. It’s more comfortable to discuss how protests of police brutality impact ratings and profits for the NFL than to discuss the topic of police brutality itself. It’s easier to talk about whether players should kneel or stand during the anthem than to talk about Seattle Seahawks’ player Michael Bennett being racially profiled and held at gunpoint by Las Vegas police. But regardless of where our comfort lies, the core issue remains unchanged. It was the same issue when Muhammad Ali was stripped of his boxing titles for protesting racism and war in 1966 and when white baseball players threatened to strike as Jackie Robinson integrated major league baseball in 1947.

The issue is racism. And until this nation address that issue in earnest, until the NFL and every major American institution addresses how racism manifests in its day-to-day operations, there is no amount of deflection or superficial displays of unity that will resolve it. The protest that Kaepernick began by himself in silence has now grown to a deafening roar with thousands joining him in solidarity. The issue of racism cannot be silenced, it can only be ignored—at the nation’s peril.

Bree Newsome is an artist who drew national attention in 2015 when she climbed the flagpole in front of the South Carolina Capitol building and lowered the confederate battle flag following the murder of nine black parishioners by a white supremacist at Mother Emanuel AME in Charleston.



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If You Don't Want Obamacare to Be Repealed, Call These Senators


Before the week is out, Republicans in the Senate want to make one more push to repeal the Affordable Care Act (otherwise known as Obamacare).

When we last checked in with Senate Republicans in July, their “skinny repeal” health care bill had failed to reach the required 51-vote threshold it needed to pass. Thanks to millions of phone calls, emails, letters, and demonstrations from activists across the country and the “no” votes of Senators Susan Collins (R–Maine), Lisa Murkowski (R–Alaska), and John McCain (R–Ariz.), it seemed possible that the ACA would remain in place for good.

As it turns out, this was not the final word on the ACA. Earlier this month South Carolina Senator Lindsey Graham and Louisiana’s Bill Cassidy brought forward their eponymous Graham-Cassidy bill as a last-ditch effort to overturn Obamacare. As is the case with this bill and the previous efforts, the measure would be voted on as part of the budget reconciliation process, which requires a simple majority to pass—but which comes with a September 30 deadline.

While the Senate GOP scrambles to secure votes for the bill, policy experts have made clear that Graham-Cassidy is the most extreme health care legislation to be introduced so far. States would have the ability to completely undercut protections put in place by former President Obama’s signature legislation. This means coverage for essential health benefits—like maternity care and mental health treatment—and protections for people with preexisting conditions could soon be a thing of the past. And as Vox explained, the bill would allow states to split their insurance markets, meaning companies could sell different plans at different prices to people based on how sick or healthy they are.

Beyond this, the ACA’s birth control mandate could be dropped and Medicaid recipients would not be allowed to visit Planned Parenthood for preventive services (this, of course, stems from the GOP’s repeated efforts to “defund” Planned Parenthood by cutting off Medicaid funding to the health care provider). And for women who wanted to terminate an unintended pregnancy, Graham-Cassidy includes provisions that make abortion coverage more inaccessible for women both on the individual market and who get insurance through her employer.

Not surprisingly, the 48 Democrats in the Senate are all but guaranteed to vote against the bill. And though some prominent Republicans have voiced opposition to the bill—including McCain, who said last week that he won’t vote for the bill, and Collins, who isn’t a definite “no” yet but seems to be leaning that way—the GOP is trying to make Graham-Cassidy a reality. Considering how civic activism put a stop to the last attempt to repeal Obamacare, phone calls, letters, and emails will be just as important this time around. To make that clear, the Center for American Progress compiled a list of Republican senators who could determine Graham-Cassidy’s fate—and included their direct lines.

Sen. Susan Collins, Maine: (202) 224-2523 (D.C.): (207) 780-3575 (Portland)
Sen. Lisa Murkowski, Alaska: (202) 224-6665 (D.C.); (907) 271-3735 (Anchorage)
Sen. John McCain, Arizona: (202) 224-2235 (D.C.); (602) 952-2410 (Phoenix)
Sen. Jeff Flake, Arizona: (202) 224-4521 (D.C.); (602) 840-1891 (Phoenix)
Sen. Shelley Moore Capito, West Virginia: (202) 224-6472 (D.C.); (304) 347-5372 (Charleston)
Sen. Rob Portman, Ohio: (202) 224-3353 (D.C.); (614) 469-6774 (Columbus)
Sen. Lamar Alexander, Tennessee: (202) 224-4944 (D.C.); (615) 736-5129 (Nashville)
Sen. Joni Ernst, Iowa: (202) 224-3254 (D.C.); (515) 284-4574 (Des Moines)
Sen. Mike Rounds, South Dakota: (202) 224-5842 (D.C.); (605) 224-1450 (Pierre)
Sen. Jerry Moran, Kansas: (202) 224-6521 (D.C.); (316) 631-1410 (Wichita)
Sen. Tom Cotton, Arkansas: (202) 224-2353 (D.C.); (501) 223-9081 (Little Rock)
Sen. Thom Tillis, North Carolina: (202) 224-6342 (D.C.); (704) 509-9087 (Charlotte)
Sen. John Kennedy, Louisiana: (202) 224-4623; (337) 269-5980 (Lafayette)
Sen. John Hoeven, North Dakota: (202) 224-2551 (D.C.); (701) 250-4618 (Bismarck)
Sen. Ron Johnson, Wisconsin: (202) 224-5323 (D.C.); (414) 276-7282 (Milwaukee)
Sen. Dean Heller, Nevada: (202) 224-6244 (D.C.); (702) 388-6605 (Las Vegas)
Sen. Cory Gardner, Colorado: (202) 224-5941 (D.C.); (303) 391-5777 (Denver)

Now, it’s important to note that unless your one of these senator’s constituents, your call won’t be treated as relevant. But if you are a resident of one of these states and you want to save the ACA—or know someone who fits that description—pick up the phone and get dialing.



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