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Roxane Gay: The Women's March Was Messy and Imperfect, But a Good Start


January 21 marks the one-year anniversary of the Women’s March, the largest single-day protest in U.S. history. All this week, Glamour will be spotlighting the stories, people, and issues that framed the March, as well as where we go from here.

I did not march in the Women’s March on January 21, 2017. I had a long-scheduled event I could not cancel so I actually spent most of the march on an airplane, following march-related events around the world on Twitter. Women, men, and children from all walks of life contributed to a remarkable show of force in the face of the American disgrace that was the election of Donald Trump as president. The sheer number of women participating in so many cities great and small overwhelmed and inspired me. I was unexpectedly moved, and for the first time since the election, I felt a little bit hopeful. The march was messy and imperfect, but it was a meaningful display of what might be possible if women, if people, could come together in a sustained and ongoing way.

I had a prior obligation, but I also had misgivings about the march. Like many black women and other women of color, I had complicated feelings about the march, how it began, and how this newfound solidarity was so long in coming. It took something as drastic as the election of a white supremacist to motivate women, en masse, to march in such a powerful demonstration of unity and repudiation. Somehow, the mass incarceration of black men, the state-sanctioned murders of black men and women by law enforcement, the pay gap between white women and women of color, the health care disparities between white women and women of color, and so many other issues were not drastic enough to inspire the kind of outrage seen in the months up to and during the Women’s March. That was and is disheartening.

Fifty-three percent of white women and a staggering 62 percent of white women without college degrees voted for Donald Trump; they were more interested in protecting whiteness than womanhood. Nearly a year after the fact, I remain stunned by these statistics. Perhaps, instead of marching, white women should have had frank conversations with each other about what a vote for Donald Trump truly meant for so many marginalized people—the working class, the LGBTQ community, people of color, immigrants, the Muslim community, people with disabilities, undocumented Americans—people whose lives suddenly became infinitely more precarious on November 9, 2016.

Like many black women and other women of color, I had complicated
feelings about the march, how it began, and how this newfound
solidarity was so long in coming.

My initial concerns about the Women’s March are largely the same issues that have always surrounded mainstream feminism. Any movement in support of women has to recognize that women have complex identities. Women are not affected equally by the ways of the world. As Dr. Kimberlé Crenshaw put it, “Different things make different women vulnerable.” Intersectional feminism, a term coined by Crenshaw, accommodates this complexity, but not all feminism is intersectional. Certainly, as the march evolved into what it became, the agenda did reflect intersectional values, codified by the Unity Principles.

It was a good start.

The march also presented a significant challenge. What happens after that good start? In the coming months and years, we have to find the best ways to sustain the energy and enthusiasm generated by the Women’s March. It is relatively easy to show up for one day. How do we show up not just in historic moments but in our everyday lives, in our own homes and communities? How do we keep fighting when it feels hopeless to face an incompetent administration, a self-serving and inept congressional body, and a justice system that rarely demonstrates a concern for actual justice? How do we fight for ourselves while also fighting for the greater good? How do we hold ourselves accountable and force ourselves to make the difficult, inconvenient choices that will be demanded of us? How do we take up the fight when some of us are simply too weary to continue the fight alone?

I don’t have answers to these questions, but I know we need to find a way to be imperfect and messy but committed to making sure that what happened in November 2016 never happens again. The Women’s March was a good start, but it was only a start.

Excerpted from Together We Rise: Behind the Scenes at the Protest Heard Around the World, available for purchase now.

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The Oral History of the Frenetic Last Days Before the Women's March


January 21 marks the one-year anniversary of the Women’s March, the largest single-day protest in U.S. history. All this week, Glamour will be spotlighting the stories, people, and issues that framed the March, as well as where we go from here.

In the days before the march, the organizers worked from the infamous Watergate Hotel. The national team traveled to Washington to join Janaye Ingram and her team of organizers and volunteers, overseeing logistics and operations in the District of Columbia. As the activists dove into their last days of planning, they shared tense elevator rides with enthusiastic Trump inauguration attendees, dealt with online harassment, and faced critiques within their coalition.

JENNA ARNOLD [Women’s March Strategic Adviser and National Organizer]: I remember showing up at the Watergate Hotel the week before the march. I mean, the irony of us being based at the Watergate Hotel while planning the largest human rights protest in history has to be mentioned.

NANTASHA WILLIAMS [Deputy of Operations and National Organizer]: To my knowledge the Women’s March decided to stay at the Watergate because, simply put, they had the most available rooms to accommodate us and were willing to work with us on numerous things. The Women’s March was a very last-minute, rushed thing, so we were scrambling and had been in talks with many hotels to work out the best deal given all the complexities. Trump supporters were all over D.C. that weekend, so it would have been really hard to avoid them altogether.

TAMIKA MALLORY [Cochair and National Organizer]: That was a very, very intense week. We had received death threats. Linda, specifically, was under attack. So much hate coming at us from so many different directions. Being in the hotel with Trump supporters wasn’t easy.

JENNA: We didn’t want anyone knowing that we were at the Watergate. We didn’t know what the reaction would be. So yeah, so it was definitely confidential. But it was really hard because it was swarming with people with red hats.

ALYSSA KLEIN [Director of Social Media Strategy and National Organizer]: We got death threats on Twitter. They said they were happy for their Second Amendment rights because they were going to be able to use them on us and the people onstage.

CASSADY FENDLAY [Director of Communications and National Organizer]: Hate crimes had increased following the election. The visibility of the march brought a new level of intensity to the online harassment and death threats. A certain element felt emboldened now. We were days away from a new administration that had promised to unleash hell on so many communities, so there was a menacing element, like: Soon we’ll be able to get you.

LINDA SARSOUR [Cochair and National Organizer]: In 2003, I was with my son, who was four years old at the time, in line at a bank in Brooklyn. It was winter, and I was wearing a long black coat and a black hijab. A middle-aged white man in the bank started yelling, “How can you serve people like this? They killed Americans. They are animals.” He was looking directly at me, but I ignored him. He continued to scream and walk toward me, and my son was like, “Mommy, why is that man screaming at you? What did you do?” This is a four-year-old child. The man came directly next to me saying, “We will get rid of you all.” One of the bank tellers asked him what he needed so she could get him the hell out. Eventually he left, but I felt so unsafe. My office was across the street, but I didn’t go there. I jumped on a bus
so he wouldn’t follow us into the building.

Times are the same and maybe even worse than they were then. I don’t want to see the threats. The vitriol is just draining. It’s not that I’m afraid of it, but it’s draining. I wear hijab. And I’m from Brooklyn. There was a moment when I realized that I am this administration’s worst nightmare. And not only that, but I also was resonating with people far and wide across this country.

MICHAEL SKOLNIK [Board Chair of The Gathering for Justice]: One of my duties was security. I’ll never do that again. It’s an awful feeling knowing that there might be some car out there with a bomb. No insurance company would give us insurance. Thirteen companies denied us. I ended up calling my aunt, who’s in the production side of the music business, to ask who insures Coachella, and I called that broker. The Friday before the rally, at five o’clock, he said, “You’ve got a deal—but this is the most expensive policy I’ve ever sold.” This guy insures Coachella! It ended up being $108,000. For one day.

TAMIKA: It was so intense. You know, just in terms of all of the stress. It was almost like we were in a bubble. There were moments when we were in that hotel, in the basement where it felt like being underwater at the bottom of the ocean.

MARIAM EHRARI [Deputy of Operations and National Organize]: I kept running into Trump supporters and many Russians in the hotel and thought, Is this real?

“No insurance company would give us
insurance. I ended up calling my aunt,
who’s in the production side of
the music business, to ask who insures
Coachella, and I called that broker.
The Friday before the rally, at five o’clock,
he said, ‘You’ve got a deal—but this is the
most expensive policy I’ve ever sold.'”
—Michael Skolnik

NANTASHA: It’s so funny, thinking back, on the things that weren’t negotiated until the last minute. Like, Oh, we need to have a
little office space, right? We need to have some type of war room, or peace room, or something. And then negotiating with the hotel to give us that space for free.

TOSHI REAGON [Music Director]: Janaye was doing all of these negotiations with the city through all of it. She is a badass, and in big meetings she would take out a map and say, “This is happening, and it’s happening here.”

JANAYE INGRAM [Director of Logistics and National Organize]: There was a whole range of emotions, staying at the Watergate. There was the very stark, contrasting reality of seeing people who were probably opposed to our very existence, who were also staying in the hotel and going to balls. And we had the hotel staff saying to us, you know, “Please don’t tell anyone you are here.” They didn’t want anyone to know that we were staying in the hotel, because they had all of these inaugural guests who were also there, and they felt it would hurt business.

MICHAEL: We were worried about security. We wanted to make sure that we were doing everything we possibly could to protect people. So we spent much of the week trying to get more security. But every firm in Washington was booked for the inauguration, and they didn’t want their guys or their women to work 48 hours. So we ended up hiring officers out of Philadelphia. We bused them in, about 57 security officers—mostly former police officers, civil service, FBI, and current officers off duty—so we had 175 in total, but that still wasn’t enough.

MYSONNE LINEN [Head of Security]: The thing is, everyone needed to be safe. Not just those on the stage and the speakers, but the whole march. We had an entire plan for how security would be inserted into the crowd, how they would march in the crowd, the exit strategy for an emergency.

PHOTO: Noam Galai/Getty Images

The crowd in Washington, D.C., at the Women’s March on January 21, 2017.

PAOLA MENDOZA [Artistic Director and National Organizer]: One of the hardest moments for me was accepting the fact that my son Mateo wouldn’t be able to go to the march. I knew the day of the march would be the busiest day for me. I also knew that Michael was going to be consumed filling in holes, so we had to make the decision to not bring our son on this historic day. I wish he could have seen in the flesh what his mama and papa did for him and his country. Mateo Ali wasn’t able to be there with us on January 21, but it was his spirit, his joy, and his love that carried us through that historic day.

TONY CHOI [Deputy of Partnerships]: Another thing I did was make sure people drank enough water. Movement people are terrible at taking care of themselves!

BREANNE BUTLER [Global Director and National Organizer]: It was insane. A few days before, the London lead called me to say, “Oh my God, they’re telling us now that our march is too big. Our permit doesn’t hold as many people as we’re anticipating and now they’re saying we can’t march there.” And this was, like, 48 hours before the march. And we decided, “Alrighty, let’s go as high up as we can [laughs] and try to see how we can turn this around.” We ended up getting approved through a petition in Parliament.

SARAH SOPHIE FLICKER [Women’s March Strategic Adviser and National Organizer]: Three days before the march, someone told us we had to talk to this woman who knows all about Internet safety. She told us, “On the day of the march, your Internet is going to go down. What is your waterfall plan? Where is your auxiliary Internet? It has to be off-site, in a secured place. How are you dealing with emergencies?” We were terrified.

ALYSSA: So we brought in the Digi Geeks, a superhero squad of kick-ass women of color working in social media and tech led by the extraordinary Stefanie Cruz. With less than 48 hours’ notice, they came on as our trusty reinforcements to essentially run all social media while we were in the dark at the march.

TAMIKA: There were a lot of different issues coming up. I think during that week, we dealt with the antichoice issue.

TONY: There were organizations that signed up through our website to be partners, and we were responding to them one by one. It wasn’t working. I sent out a mass email, bcc’ing everyone and saying, “If you want to be a partner, please reply and confirm and we will add you to the list.” Well, that may have been a mistake because some antichoice groups made it onto the list because their names were intentionally deceptive. The list should have been vetted better, but we were doing so much. From that point on, we did more extreme vetting of partners.

TAMIKA: We also dealt that week with Clinton supporters wanting her name to be included in the list of historical women that we were uplifting. There was a lot happening all at once.

LINDA: We chose not to invite Hillary or Bernie to speak. Nobody’s “invited” to march. Bernie showed up on his own in Vermont. But De’Ara was in contact with Hillary—which is what people assumed wasn’t happening. And not only were we in contact with her that morning, but she asked us, “How can I be helpful? Can I tweet in support of the Women’s March?” We said, “Absolutely.” So that day, she actually tweeted in support of us.

TAMIKA: I’ve been in the movement for a long time. I’ve had the FBI knocking on my door at five in the morning. I’ve witnessed some very intense moments. Whether it be organizing the fiftieth anniversary of the March on Washington, or the Million Man March twentieth anniversary. I’ve been in intense spaces where the work was constant and the stress level of everyone involved was up. But I have never, ever dealt with the intensity that we were in, in those last few days leading up to the march. And then the backdrop of that hotel, and what it represents in American history, was constantly looming.

I mean, I really found myself looking around my room for bugs. [Laughs.] I was looking behind the TV, in the light posts, looking for potential—you know, wiretapping. All of that was happening that week.

“I’ve been in the movement for a long time, whether it be organizing
the fiftieth anniversary of the March on Washington, or the Million
Man March twentieth anniversary. But I have never, ever
dealt with the intensity that we were in, in those last few days
leading up to the march.” —Tamika Mallory

CARMEN PEREZ [Cochair and National Organizer]: The night before the march we gathered in a room and I asked everyone to hold hands. We said the Assata chant together and I felt a vibration of togetherness. We had all given our souls for this moment.

JENNA: So at like six or seven the night before the march, I had a moment where I was like, You know what, we’ve done everything we can. All right, everyone, just put down your pencils, close your computers. That’s it. We were literally turning it over to the universe. There was just this moment of calm. I had been prepared to work through the night. I said, “I need to get a proper meal and go to sleep.” Which is not me—typically I’m hustling until the last minute. We all went up from the basement to go find food, and the lobby was packed with people dressed in black tie on the way to the inaugural ball. And that fucking sucked to see.

This article is adapted from Together We Rise, a new book by the Women’s March Organizers and Condé Nast, publisher of Glamour, which is available for purchase now.

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Optimism Interrupted: Cindi Leive on the Legacy of the Women's March


January 21 marks the one-year anniversary of the Women’s March, the largest single-day protest in U.S. history. All this week, Glamour will be spotlighting the stories, people, and issues that framed the March, as well as where we go from here.

Albert Einstein famously said that the most important thing each of us must decide for ourselves is whether the universe is a friendly or an unfriendly place. I had always believed the former—that despite its horrors, the world tilts, slowly but inexorably, toward progress. I was an optimist. I thought the best of people. It informed everything I did.

The election took that certainty away from me.

The march brought it back—in newer, wiser form.

I was one of those much-mocked idealists crushed on the morning of November 9. After all, I’d blithely told a reporter just a week before that I thought that come mid-November, Donald Trump would be “getting smaller by the second in the rearview mirror.” There was his open courtship of white supremacists and his flagrant misogyny, both denounced even by many in his party. There was his epic ineptness; surely no one who had watched him stumble through the debates could find him presidential. And there was, of course, the overweening cruelty that was his hallmark: mocking people with disabilities, taunting his opponents, ridiculing a Gold Star mom. I had hoped this would be damning: Wasn’t the Golden Rule, or a version of it, the one common shared teaching among all religions? As my family headed to the Javits Center on November 8 for what we were sure would be Hillary Clinton’s victory party, my eleven-year-old son asked me what would happen if Trump won. “He can’t win,” I said confidently. (“Well, Mom, he can,” he pointed out.) Watching the results felt dislocating: like taking a step onto a well-trod stair that suddenly was not there. In the pre-dawn hours the next morning, messaging with a friend who had spent eighteen months working to mobilize the Latino vote, I said in disbelief, “I never believed all that ‘two Americas’ stuff. Even now it is hard to believe this is what half our population wants.”

I know how sheltered it all sounds. In a Saturday Night Live episode that aired the following weekend, one skit featured a group of friends watching the election results. The women, all white, are shocked. “Oh my God,” gasps the actress Cecily Strong, “I think America is racist.”

A white male partygoer is outraged: “This is the most shameful thing America has ever done!” he exclaims—at which point the black actors Dave Chappelle and Chris Rock collapse in uncontrollable hysterics.

“C’mon, get some rest,” Rock, rolling his eyes, tells the crowd. “You’ve got a big day of moping and writing on Facebook tomorrow.”

I didn’t spend the next day moping and writing on Facebook. I spent it grieving for an image of America I started to believe had only existed in my head, where my neighbors—both the ones I agreed with and the ones I didn’t—were fundamentally good-hearted.

January 21 felt like a miracle. I boarded a D.C.-bound bus with fifty of my friends and colleagues, along with my fourteen-year-old daughter and her friends—it was my birthday, and there was no better party.

The highways were crowded with buses crammed full of pink hats; the L’Enfant Plaza Metro station was so jammed that we spent a good hour underground, chanting and patiently inching our way toward the exit.

The woman next to me held a sign that read, “My Husband’s Chemo Costs $10,000 a Month”; she explained that she’d never been to a protest before, but that the health-care issue had compelled her to show up. “And also,” she added, “the misogyny.” The misogyny was what tied all our interests together, but what was magical about the march was that it made visible the fact that we had so many interests. There were grandmothers and grown men, church groups and unions, indigenous women and Black Lives Matter demonstrators.

Years before, at a reproductive-rights march, my husband and I had spotted a sign that read, “We came down on buses to save our uteruses.” We’d found it hilarious, and he’d made me a T-shirt for that January day with the slogan on the front. But as I pressed through the crowd with my daughter, the shirt felt entirely insufficient—a glib remnant of another time. We, women, were not here for our uteruses. We were here for our lives, for other women’s lives, for our souls and the soul of our country.

And there were so, so many of us. The universe felt friendly again.

Or more properly: The universe felt bound together by people willing to work for a friendly planet—by speaking out over and over again, and not just on the issues we call our own. The year since the march has brought regular ugliness: Those were my fellow Americans lighting torches in Charlottesville and cheering the government’s vicious anti-immigrant moves. But I know which vision of our country I choose to believe in, and if the millions of us who showed up on that January day, in big cities and small towns, keep showing up—to protest, to run for office, to vote—I think it can be made real.

I’m still an optimist. After all, Einstein wrote that if we do believe the universe is unfriendly, we’ll spend our lives “creating bigger walls to keep out the unfriendliness and bigger weapons.” We have an administration dedicated to doing just this. “But if we decide that the universe is a friendly place,” he continued, “then we will use our technology, our scientific discoveries and our natural resources to create tools and models for understanding that universe. Because power and safety will come through understanding its workings and its motives.”

The Women’s March helped us understand. The world will continue to spin forward, but only if we push.

Excerpted from Together We Rise: Behind the Scenes at the Protest Heard Around the World, available for purchase now.

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Everything You Need to Know About the 2018 Women’s March



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Everything You Need To Know About the Women's March 2018


It has been a year, hasn’t it ladies? In some ways, that inspirational day of the first Women’s March feels like it was 400 million years ago and at times, it feels like just yesterday. It was January 20, 2017 when millions of women across the country (and around the world) took their anger, their sadness, and their power to the streets in protest. We marched, chanted, laughed, and cried all while carrying signs and wearing pussyhats.

It’s pretty incredible that 2017 started with women organizing for change and it ended that way, too—with the creation of Time’s Up. But the momentum must continue and that’s why another Women’s March is coming our way on January 20, 2018.

Here’s everything we know so far:

Women’s March: Power to the Polls in Las Vegas
The original organizers of the Women’s March are holding an event in Las Vegas, Women’s March: Power to the Polls which will launch a one year national voter registration tour. According to their website “the national voter registration tour will target swing states to register new voters, engage impacted communities, harness our collective energy to advocate for policies and candidates that reflect our values, and collaborate with our partners to elect more women and progressives candidates to office. The coordinated campaign will build upon Women’s March’s ongoing work uplifting the voices and campaigns of the nation’s most marginalized communities to create transformative social and political change.”

Why Nevada?
According to the organization’s website: The state “was rocked by the deadliest mass shooting in modern U.S. history, recent sexual assault allegations against elected officials, and has become a battleground state that will shape the Senate in 2018. The kick-off event in Las Vegas will bring together talent, musicians, grassroots activists, and elected officials to a key swing state for a large-scale gathering to celebrate the work of the past year and launch a collective 2018 Women’s March agenda.”

Not in Nevada? Here’s How You Can Join In:
Along with the meeting in Vegas, anniversary events and marches will be taking place across the country the weekend of January 20. You can enter your zip code to find events near you or the Women’s March Alliance has full list on Facebook. There are marches scheduled in most major American cities and even a few international locations.

What to Wear/Bring:
Of course, you’ll want to check your local weather and dress appropriately, but remember that if turnout is anything like last year you may be standing still for long periods of time…so plan accordingly with gloves, hats, scarves, water and snacks. You’ve also had another year of inspiration from the Trump administration for you kickass protest signs. Just remember that some cities have rules about using wooden/metal sticks to hold signs, so you may want to sub in wrapping paper or paper towel rolls.



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The Women's Convention is Happening, and Honestly It's Just What I Need


Are you tired, like fully mentally spent? Because we sure are.

Every day of 2017 has been a slog, but as women, the past few weeks have felt especially draining. While it’s been incredible to hear women speaking out and opening up about sexual harassment and abuse in a way that may actually be shifting the culture, it’s also really, really hard. It has brought each of our personal experiences to the surface and that can wear you down.

I’ve certainly had moments where it all just feels like too much, that the current climate feels so stacked against us. Can we really change it? Conversations with girlfriends have shown me that I’m not alone in feeling that way and have also served to help build me back up when I’m at my lowest. Because that’s often what we do for each other as women, isn’t it?

So this morning, after another week of harassment scandals and generally terrible news, I begrudgingly opened up Twitter ready for another day’s battle. But then something happened, the #WomensConvention started and the hashtag started filling up my feed. There it was, that solidarity and inspiration that comes from women banding together and raising our voices. The event—organized by the activists behind the Women’s March—kicked off this morning in Detroit. Reading through the tweets from attendees’ and quotes from early speakers gave me an instant mood lift.

Virtual attendance is highly recommended. We should all be #ReclaimingOurTime this fine Friday! (And as always when it comes to Twitter: Ignore the trolls, especially the angry MRA dudes.)

Mantra.

Stronger Together.

A woman’s place is in the resistance.

We must be in the room where it happens.

YES!

No, we’re not crying. You’re crying!

Watch more of the Women’s Convention live [here] (https://www.facebook.com/womensmarchonwash/videos/vb.1338822066131069/1711137292232876).





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Gina Rodriguez Is Producing a New Show About an Empowering, Secret Women's Social Media Group


Jane the Virgin star Gina Rodriguez is a fierce advocate for women: among other efforts, she’s spoken out against the pay gap and and encouraged women to own their sexuality. And as a dynamic leader in a male-dominated entertainment world, she’s using her power to bring a new female-driven drama to television—and to be honest, it sounds amazing.

The series, potentially titled Femme, “follows four millennial women from different walks of life who become unlikely friends and fierce allies after meeting online in a secret feminist social media group,” according to Variety. “They form a sisterhood army in the real world to support each other through both serious and humorous crises and to help other women in need.”

Sisterhood army? We can get behind that. It’s timely, too, considering women have been using social media more than ever as a platform to speak out about feminist issues, like the fight against sexual harassment and assault.

Rodriguez and her production company will executive-produce the show for the CW as part of Rodriguez’s deal with CBS. To make the news even better, two writers from the smart, hilarious show Crazy Ex-Girlfriend, will write and produce the show. (Their other credits include Cougar Town and One Tree Hill, so yeah, this is set up to be SO good.)

Lest we think that’s Rodriguez’s only project, she currently has two other shows in the works with CBS and the CW: She’s producing a drama called Have Mercy, which follows a Latina doctor who immigrates to Miami and can no longer practice, so she opens clinic in her apartment to help the community. The other is a dramedy called Illegal, based on the life of co-executive producer and writer Rafael Agustin. The show is about an American high school student who finds out he is undocumented. And, in April, Rodriguez was also confirmed to be working with Netflix to voice the title character of the 1990s classic reboot of Where in the World Is Carmen Sandiego?.

It looks like we’re about to see a whole lot coming from Rodriguez as she works to give more opportunities to female writers, producers, and actresses—and we are so here for all of it.

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