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Planned Parenthood to Open 14 New Health Centers Across the American South


Most news events aren’t met with a consensus reaction, but the announcement of Supreme Court Justice Anthony Kennedy’s retirement from the bench last month seemed to solicit one: his departure, the New York Times predicted, would not just jeopardize Roe v. Wade, the 1973 decision that legalized abortion nationwide, but promised to “reshuffle the landscape” of reproductive freedom in the United States. (If that fact was in doubt, President Trump’s nominee Brett Kavanaugh put an end to them. Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand (D-N.Y.) called him “more dangerous than any previous justice nominee…ever.”)

Of course, the battle didn’t start this summer. The anti-choice movement has laid this groundwork for decades. A few more recent examples: In 2015, House Republicans grilled now-former Planned Parenthood President Cecile Richards for almost five hours in an effort to discredit the organization, which is the country’s largest provider of reproductive health services. (It didn’t work. In 2017, a national poll found that 75 percent of Americans support federal funding for Planned Parenthood.) Between 2011 and 2016, 288 abortion restrictions—including bans on later-term procedures, mandated wait periods, and laws requiring clinics to meet burdensome, non-medical standards—were enacted, according to the Guttmacher Institute. The Trump administration has also announced a proposal that would strip federal support (which total $260 million) from women’s clinics that perform abortions or tell women where they can go to get them.

Such efforts prove it: The struggle isn’t ahead. It’s here.

And since there’s no evidence that this Trump pick will crash and burn, or that cooler heads will prevail the next time the GOP tries once more to defund Planned Parenthood, advocates believe it’s critical to do more than secure the reproductive rights we have now—the movement needs to gain ground.

Quietly, Planned Parenthood has set in motion plans to do just that—with a particular focus on the southern (and for the most part, deep red) United States. By the end of 2017, even as Richards prepared to step down, Planned Parenthood opened nine new centers, with five more in the pipeline. The facilities are in some less-than-expected states, some of which have laws on the books now that would ban abortion if Roe v. Wade were overturned: Oklahoma, Texas, Louisiana, Alabama, Mississippi, Tennessee, Kentucky, North Carolina, and, just last month, Florida.

The expansion makes a statement—that no matter the partisan winds, Planned Parenthood intends to ride out the storm. It’s a commitment that was underscored in late June when, less than 48 hours before news of the Supreme Court retirement broke, Planned Parenthood cut the ribbon at one of its newest facilities: a state-of-the-art health center in Tallahassee, Florida. The outpost will provide the full spectrum of sexual and reproductive services; patients can receive birth control prescriptions, breast exams, treatment for STIs, information on safe sex practices, and, also, abortion services.

In our current climate, the centers have political reverberations. But their purpose isn’t to treat just Democrats or Republicans. Each exists to meet a need. In Florida, for example, the area around the new location has some of the worst health outcomes in the state, including the highest number of newly diagnosed chlamydia cases statewide. (Similar problems are endemic in the South; Mississippi, Louisiana, Georgia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Oklahoma are six of the 10 states with the highest rates of gonorrhea and chlamydia in America, based on 2016 data from the Center for Disease Control.)

“Georgia, Mississippi, Alabama—women will cross state lines to come to us.”

And while the mere fact that a clinic has opened can’t drive STI rates down, the numbers mount a persuasive case: Between 2015 and 2018, just after Planned Parenthood at last replaced the small, two-exam-room clinic it used to operate in New Orleans with a new, much bigger location, reproductive health care visits swelled from 500 a month to 800, according to Planned Parenthood Gulf Coast President and CEO Melaney Linton. The new location in Tallahassee expects to be able to serve four times the number of patients, both from in the state and surrounding states, as it has in the past, according to Lillian Tamayo, President and CEO of Planned Parenthood in South, East, and North Florida. “Georgia, Mississippi, Alabama—women will cross state lines to come to us,” says Tamayo. All three states have ruled that women must have at least two appointments with their providers to get an abortion; Georgia and Mississippi enforce a 24-hour wait period. Alabama insists on 48 hours between visits. Thanks to a recent decision from Leon County Circuit Judge Terry Lewis, Florida has none, despite its current conservative leadership.

Given the national mood, Tamayo adds, her mission is more important than ever: “We want to be a beacon.”

That’s been Richards’ mission on a national level, but the native Texan is attune to the unique needs of the South. Under her leadership, Planned Parenthood committed to increase access there, despite fierce political opposition to its presence.

“Of course I’ve ‘officially’ left,” she explains of her tenure that ended in April 2018. “But these are the last two acts I will do for Planned Parenthood.” The recent dedications of new centers in Charleston, South Carolina, and, now, Tallahassee, are her encore appearances. Richards is too polite to revel in how broadened access to care trolls Planned Parenthood’s critics, but she will admit that the new centers deliver not just affordable health care in “state-of-the-art facilities,” but also “demonstrate that even in some of the most politically challenging states in the country, we’re here and we will expand.”

She isn’t alone. In state houses nationwide, likeminded lawmakers seem to have taken a similar tack. In 2017, 645 bills were introduced to protect access to reproductive health care services, a marked uptick in the wake of the presidential election. And earlier this month, Oregon passed the Reproductive Health Equity Act, which includes a mandate that all insurers cover abortions. Like the proposed laws, Planned Parenthood’s new centers “are part of an effort to remove the stigma and shame that has surrounded reproductive health care,” Richards says. The facilities are open to the street, filled with sun and framed photos. Each detail is meant to telegraph respect and warmth. Richards is insistent: “The people who walk in here should leave and feel like, ‘Oh, that’s what it’s like to be honored and cared for.’”

That said, Richards is all too aware of this administration’s commitment to undo decades of hard-won victories. She isn’t one to “rest on our laurels,” she says. With millions of people unable to access affordable health care and a federal government committed to anti-choice policies, all the work Planned Parenthood has done, all the bricks that have been laid—so much of it could disappear.

Roe v. Wade has been the law of the land for 40 years. There are millions of women in the United States who have never lived under a government that’s outlawed it,” she says. “I think it’s important that we show we’re not going back, and we do that when we expand access to health care in the toughest parts of America.”

To find a local Planned Parenthood, visit https://plannedparenthood.org/health-center.



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How Planned Parenthood Moves Forward, Sans Cecile Richards


Abortion is on thin ice in America. Mississippi passed a 15-week abortion ban this March, the strictest in the nation (unless Louisiana succeeds in pushing through its copycat bill). In Indiana, a new law requires doctors to report any abortion complications to the state—including some patient information. And over in Tennessee, they want to build a monument to unborn children. Meanwhile, Planned Parenthood, which has been central to the fight for safe, legal abortion, is losing its leader. After more than a decade at the helm, Cecile Richards is stepping down this week. The organization has yet to name a replacement.

“It’s kind of a best of times and worst of times moment,” executive vice president and chief brand and experience officer Dawn Laguens, 53, tells me in a compact conference room at Planned Parenthood’s New York headquarters, a week before she would unofficially step up to be the face of the 101-year-old organization.

Best, she says, because teen and unintended pregnancies are at some of the lowest rates in history, a result of more widely available contraception under Obamacare; and the abortion rate is down, too. But the Trump administration, building upon decades of conservative politics, could roll back those gains.

“In many places, women are losing care,” says Laguens. “Not just abortion, which [conservatives] do everything they can to make as difficult, as stigmatizing, and as costly as they possibly can, but also losing access to what we know are preventive services that are really important. And so for many women in many states, it’s one of the most difficult times.”

Laguens experienced some of that difficulty first-hand when she had an abortion after an unplanned pregnancy in college. “There was stigma and fear of telling my family, and I remember struggling to figure out how to have the funds to pay for it,” she says. “But I didn’t have laws, like we do today, that make it almost impossible.”

Planned Parenthood is not going softly into this dark night. “We’re going to fight and do everything we can to reverse that course; to change who’s in power between now and 2020,” Laguens says. In the last two months the organization has announced two massive pushes ahead of the upcoming midterm elections: With Planned Parenthood Votes, Planned Parenthood Federation of America (the legal-activism arm of the organization) announced a $20 million offensive in March to support pro-choice candidates and connect with voters online in eight key states. In mid-April it kicked off Win Justice, a $30 million program—as big as anything it took on ahead of the 2016 presidential elections, Laguens says—to mobilize voters in Florida, Michigan, and Nevada specifically.

Together with Center for Community Change Action, Color Of Change, and the Service Employees International Union, they’ll be working to engage people of color and young people—who are more likely to change their views in support of abortion rights than older Americans are, according to new research—and be sure they get to the polls.

“We are paying the price for the elections in 2010; this is their long shadow,” Laguens says. Redistricting and major Republican victories back then ushered in candidates who support the policies that are stripping women of access to care right now. What care women are able to get, says Laguens, “is all dependent on their zip code. That’s not how America’s supposed to be designed. We are really clawing our way back to any kind of democracy that actually reflects the true viewpoints of people in this country.” A majority of Americans, for example, believe in the right to safe, legal abortion.

Laguens has had a good mentor to help her prepare for this big step: She’s an old friend of Cecile Richards’s. When Cecile’s mother Ann Richards ran for governor of Texas more than 25 years ago, Laguens’ wife, Jennifer Treat, was the finance director on the campaign, and the women have been vacation-together close ever since.

“I came into this role because I saw that whole set of forces building, I saw what Cecile was trying to do here,” Laguens says. Now she’s motivated by the recent wave of female candidates running for the first time, the seismic event that has been Me Too, and two million new supporters of Planned Parenthood in the last year, including 350,000 teens. “These are big, big forces that are being unleashed in the culture,” she says. “This is women’s moment.”

The New Orleans native, who’s lived and worked in D.C. for more than a decade, is unwaveringly buttoned up and on-message. But her roots aren’t gone; she still pronounces the word “fair” in a syncopated, Southern-sounding two syllables. (“They used to say abortion should be safe, legal and rare; it needs to be safe, legal, and fair,” she says.) And it’s when she’s talking about her pal Cecile that Laguens really relaxes into her folksy sensibility; she guffaws that her pie crust will never touch that of master-baker Cecile Richards (“She is not patient for change, but she is patient for pies.”).

Something the friends and erstwhile co-workers do share in common is being moms to multiples—Richards has 27-year-old twins, and a 30-year-old daughter, who Laguens says are like big cousins to her 19-year-old triplet daughters. When she first joined Planned Parenthood eight years ago, she says she joked, “I had three pre-teen girls—where else was I going to work?” (Yes, she was constantly bringing condoms home and leaving them around the house; yes, this was embarrassing for the girls.)

“The patriarchy is wobbling.”

It’s easy to see Laguens heading off budget attacks from Mike Pence, or salvaging a soured relationship with the Susan G. Komen foundation (both things she helped accomplish at Planned Parenthood). She honed these leadership and community building skills all the way back at Louisiana State University, as speaker of the student assembly, and then as campaign director for the Louisiana Coalition Against Racism and Nazism, working against David Duke, before running her own firm as a media consultant and strategist. (“All of these ‘isms’ are in the same root,” she says, and she’s always been “feisty” about fighting for justice.) As for those of us attempting to beat back all of the “isms” plaguing us in 2018? She says: Stay focused.

“We kind of get distracted by the Trump administration seeming like a circus or, ‘They can’t get anything done!’” she says. “When it comes to attacking women’s health and reproductive health access, they’re getting a lot done. And in one year, they have been pushing policies the likes of which we’ve never seen before.”

Indeed, the Trump administration came in guns blazing, and circus-like though it may be, it has not let up. For example, in April the administration announced plans to shift sex-ed funding toward abstinence-focused programs, and replaced Obama-era language protecting all FDA-approved methods of birth control with recommendations for “fertility awareness.” (Which only has a real-world efficacy of 76 to 88 percent, according to the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists.)

The administration also recently released its first annual report on human rights, which has been scrubbed of any mention of reproductive rights. “The patriarchy is wobbling,” Laguens says. “And a lot of what we’re seeing now is them trying to shove stuff under it to hold it up, whether that’s a literal wall on the border to a legal wall around a woman’s body and access.”

Planned Parenthood has a three-pronged focus for chipping away at these walls: The Action Fund, which handles all the political bad-assery for which Laguens puts on her “organizer hat” is only one part. At its core, Planned Parenthood is a healthcare provider, serving 8,000 people every single day from 56 affiliates in over 600 locations across the country, where it offers cancer screenings, HPV vaccines to girls and boys, and even some specialized gynecological care. This never falters, Laguens says, no matter the political climate. And then there’s education: Planned Parenthood is the largest sex-ed provider in the country, serving 7 million people online per month, and will be doubling down on its digital presence in the near future.

The latter is crucial to how Laguens defines the organization, and it’s always finding the latest tools to keep up with that mission. Right now they’ve got a free period-tracking app with the kind of health advice people in large swaths of the country can no longer access. They rolled out a chat/text service to answer sexual health questions privately, online, which fielded an astounding 22,000 questions in March—more than half from young people of color. And they released a virtual reality film that they believe can change viewers’ hearts and minds about engaging in clinic harassment—and they’ve got survey data to back that up.

Now, they just need a president.

So will that be Dawn Laguens? She’s whip-fast with a no: “Don’t tell anyone, but I already have the best job at Planned Parenthood.”



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Mila Kunis Makes Monthly Donations to Planned Parenthood in Mike Pence's Name


Mila Kunis, Bad Moms star and casual hero, is on a one-woman mission to plant a little ire in the mailbox of Vice President Mike Pence.

ICYM2016 (lucky you): Pence, who has a hard pro-life stance, has voted to limit women’s access to birth control, among other things pertaining to reproductive rights. (Don’t even get him started on abortion: As far back as the early 1990s, he was on the board of a far-right Indiana organization that wanted abortion to be criminalized, and his track record as a governor is grim reading for pro-choice women.) He also cast the tie-breaking vote for legislation that would make it easier to strip Planned Parenthood of funding—and let’s just say he didn’t choose the side that would give the health care organization more money. Fun times. But Kunis is doing her part to stand up to Pence and his voting record, while supporting women’s health care: She told Conan O’Brien that she makes a monthly donation to Planned Parenthood in Mike Pence’s name.

“As a reminder that there are women out there in the world who may or may not agree with his platform, I put him on a list of recurring donations that are made in his name to Planned Parenthood,” she told O’Brien on his eponymous show earlier this week. “Every month, his office—he gets a little letter that says ‘an anonymous donation has been made in your name.”

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Kunis explained that this is “not so much a prank as much as I disagreed with some of the stuff that Pence was doing.” We appreciate this level of both political and productive trolling. “It’s a peaceful protest,” she said.

As a reminder, you can make donations to Planned Parenthood on behalf of someone else; the organization will then send a note thanking said person for the contribution.

In a totally unrelated note, Pence’s official mailing address is: The White House, Office of the Vice President, 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20500.

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