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Kathy Manning Lost in the Midterm Elections. Her Daughter Writes about What She Saw Her Mom Win.


Eleven months ago, my mom decided to run for Congress in the 2018 midterm elections. Last night, I felt prouder of her than ever.

Here’s the catch—she lost.

From the beginning, the experience watching my mother run was inspiring. Last December, Kathy Manning decided it was time to step up and take action; she couldn’t just stand by and watch as our country veered down a dark and twisted path.

Her decision to run pushed me to quit my own job to do something I felt was more important, too. I started a new audio-first media company to tell the stories of women like her. Through that work, I realized that my mom was by no means alone in her quest to preserve the values that really urge our country towards greatness. I got to know 12 other women running for the House, each of whom said in one way or another, “If not me, who? If not now, when?” Each of whom felt the personal impact of policy and said, “The arc of the universe may bend towards justice, but we’re going to have to push it.”

As Election Day grew ever closer, I spent afternoons knocking on doors in areas of my home district I had never visited. I met strangers at their homes, at churches, in restaurants, and on streets who were so inspired by Kathy Manning that they beamed at the opportunity to shake my hand.

Through grueling, seemingly never-ending days of work, my mom shined. She listened to the concerns of people throughout the district and nightly reported back stories of the tenacity of the people in our area.

Still, she lost. It would be lying by omission to gloss over the pain and anxiety of last night. The race was an uphill battle from the start—North Carolina’s districts have already been deemed too gerrymandered by the courts. They were cut with “surgical precision” to keep districts, including the 13th, where she ran, red. At the first signs of a loss, I felt both wired and deeply saddened.

Enter Kathy Manning. She arrived at the watch party without any sign of tears. She embraced person after person with love and gratitude for the hard work done by all. She asked about other women she knew were running throughout the country, and she was happy to hear so many of her peers won. A record number of women will serve in our next House of Representatives and her fellow Democrats retook the chamber.

When my mom took the stage to speak, she proved once and for all, that Kathy Manning is not just the leader we wanted, she’s the leader we need.

As I looked out at the crowd during her speech on election night, I saw the faces of hundreds of people filled with love, propelled by hope, moved to keep on fighting. She said it better than I ever could: “Because what really makes America great is our desire to be a land of opportunity for all. What really makes us great is our history of setting high ideals and striving to meet them. We may stumble along the way, but we must continue to fight for what is right.”

Kathy Manning’s run for Congress was just the beginning. The way she acted when faced with defeat stoked a full-on fire of activism—not just within me, but within people across the North Carolina’s 13th District and across the country.

A better future can be a reality. Some parts of the country felt it last night. Some didn’t. But midterm elections weren’t our last chance. Change is coming. As this chapter comes to a close, it’s time to double-down and charge ahead.

As my mom said last night, “We know change is possible, and we know change is required. We must continue working together to make this country what it can be and what it should be.”


Jenny Kaplan is the co-founder and CEO of Wonder Media Network, an audio-first media company focused on women and politics. She’s also the host of its flagship podcast Women Belong in the House. Kaplan was formerly an award-winning reporter at Bloomberg News.

MORE: A Pep Talk for Democrats: It’s OK. We Won.



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The 2018 Midterm Elections Were a Huge Win for Democrats—Here's Why


On Wednesday America woke up to a redrawn political map, a divided government, and of course countless tweets, sound bites, and stories that declared the “blue wave” that had been promised in the midterm elections was little more than a trickle. That’s just not true.

For starters, Democrats will now command the House of Representatives, drawing (at last!) to a close 24 months of unmitigated powerlessness in Washington. This, THIS is the result we organized and door-knocked and raised small-dollar donations for. Politicians with a conscience (example: those who think immigrant children shouldn’t be housed in cages) can now function as the legislative branch is supposed to, conducting real oversight on an executive branch that has, until now, faced none. I know we’ve gotten used to that sense that haha #nothingmatters, but the real world isn’t Twitter and this wasn’t a game. Power was divvied up. For the first time in what feels like centuries, we got some of it.

So let’s recap: More than 100 women are now bound for D.C. That happened because thousands of women rallied for them—domestic workers and stay-at-home moms and teachers and nurses. Together those women built a new political infrastructure run by—and accountable to—them.

Also notable is that women of color eked out some of the nail-biter victories that control of the House of Representatives depended on. These are the women whom Democrats have relied on to turn out the vote for decades but have never quite empowered to lead. Well, Lucy McBath, the mother of Jordan Davis, who was shot and killed at 17; Ilhan Omar, a Somali refugee and Muslim woman; and Ayanna Pressley, who will soon become the first black congresswoman ever from Massachusetts, didn’t ask for seat at the table. They demanded it.

In Florida, a state that bitterly disappointed progressives on Tuesday night—with Bill Nelson heading into a recount in the Senate race and Andrew Gillum losing his gubernatorial bid—almost 1.5 million people convicted of felonies will have their right to vote restored. To put that in perspective: Nelson is just 34,000 votes from a dead tie. In 2020, when a Democrat will need Florida to have a shot at the Oval Office, this population, whom Democrats have fought for, could decide the race.

We elected some of the best shots we have to battle evil. We put people in office when we could have thrown up our hands.

Meanwhile, Massachusetts enshrined transgender rights. Three blood-red states voted to expand Medicaid, giving hundreds of thousands of people access to health care that will save their lives. Some in the media like to treat politics like a horserace, but the people who cried out at town halls and protested the NRA knew better. It’s not about a point here or there. It’s about survival.

Each loss is a heartbreak. Of course, we wanted Beto O’Rourke to win in Texas. We wanted a decisive triumph for Stacey Abrams, whose opponent in Georgia expelled close to 700,000 voters from the polls in 2017 and is at the moment ahead by a mere 70,000. Alabama approved a ballot measure that will extend full legal rights to fertilized eggs (and thus rescind them for women).

It’s OK to grieve. Gerrymandering and voter suppression are real, and their costs are greater than we can bear.

But how do we build political power? How does that happen?

It happens when Democrats can help draw district lines. (Hello to the seven legislative chambers nationwide that Democrats flipped, with over 300 seats changing from red to blue. Welcome to people like Gretchen Whitmer and Laura Kelly, new governors in Michigan and Kansas.) It happens when people like Beto O’Rourke convince voters in Texas who’ve never bothered to vote that it’s worth it to come out. Democrats picked up at least two GOP-held congressional seats in the Lone Star State. O’Rourke deserves a serious portion of the credit for that. His exuberance and relentless ground game drove some of the unlikeliest people to the polls.

Blind optimism won’t fuel a revolution. But neither will blind despair. Because of the work that women in particular did, a grassroots movement grows in Texas. A lesbian Native American MMA fighter will represent a district in Kansas. In New York, that supposed “bastion of coastal elitism,” Democrats took control of the state senate, which it hasn’t had for almost two decades, and Andrea Stewart-Cousins will now become the first woman ever to lead a legislative chamber in the state.

It’s fine if this all sounds delusional. I have no doubt that the racism and homophobia and sexism and anti-Semitism and xenophobia that fueled the GOP in these elections (and won them, in several cases) have made their mark. But on Tuesday we elected some of the best shots we have to battle those evils. We put people in office when we could have thrown up our hands. No one knows what impact that’ll have—not The New York Times election needle, not Nate Silver, not Wolf Blitzer. No one.

Here is what I know: 990 miles and a million headlines apart, two 29-year-old women were elected to the House of Representatives last night.

Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez was one of them, a progressive powerhouse who rose to national attention after she beat Democratic incumbent Representative Joe Crowley in June. The political newcomer launched and led a pitch-perfect race over the summer. She’s one of a thousand reasons I’m not just pleased, but (what is this emotion; I hardly remember it?) hopeful in the aftermath of the midterm elections.

But allow me to introduce another cause for celebration, and one with whom some are less familiar: Meet Abby Finkenauer, the other woman under 30 who won last night. Finkenauer was elected in Dubuque, Iowa, defeating Republican incumbent Rep. Rod Blum. She is only the third Democrat since 1973 to hold this seat. And when she decided to run for the Iowa State House of Representatives (a chamber in which she then served two terms), she was just 24, saddled with student debt and up against three men in their forties. She flattened them.

Ocasio-Cortez and Finkenauer have their political differences, but both are about to launch careers in federal politics that could last decades. Both are women who’ve decided to dedicate their considerable skills and political prowess to the creation of better opportunities for more people. When’s the last time it felt like that happened?

These two women triumphed, not to mention the victories of Deb Haaland and Sharice Davids, the first Native American women ever elected to the House, Ilhan Omar and Rashida Tlaib, the first Muslim women ever elected to the House, Lucy McBath, Ayanna Pressley, Abigail Spanberger, Mikie Sherrill, Lauren Underwood…

Should I continue?

Because I could find 10,000 more words. I could quote Pressley, who insisted that representation mattered. I could narrate the ascendant McBath, who poured her sorrow into this race and gained the respect of her constituents. I could go on and on.

And that’s the point. That’s the win. There is so much more of this story to write.





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Before the Midterm Elections, Five Activists Criss-Crossed the Country to Hear From Women.


We’ve heard a lot ahead of these midterm elections about the historic wave of women jumping into the political process as candidates—and for good reason. With the polls now open, 2018 is not just poised to become another Year of the Woman. It will also be remembered as a decisive moment in which women of color were recognized as more than reliable voters. Thanks to change-making candidates—from Catalina Cruz, a Dreamer headed for the New York Assembly, to Stacey Abrams, who launched an inspiring campaign for governor in Georgia—the face of American politics looks different and more like the people that it has overlooked for centuries.

But focusing on women candidates misses an even bigger phenomenon: Over the past 24 months, women have reinvigorated our democracy, and in the process, they are transforming our country.

No matter the results of this election, every progressive victory this cycle will be the result of women.

Women have been the often-unsung volunteers, staff, and supporters, signing up in record numbers to be part of historic campaigns. Women make up 75 percent of leaders and membership in local chapters of Indivisible, an organization that’s mobilized the resistance nationwide. And women have launched their own grassroots efforts, too. In places like Alabama, Virginia, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin, women of color—who’ve been the most reliable progressive voters in America—are demanding policies (and candidates) that align with their convictions. In a direct rebuke to voter suppression in the South, Black women are running—not walking—to the polls. Motivated by anti-immigrant candidates, Latinas are running for office, organizing, and speaking out. And white women have come to a realization that they have to do more.

No matter the results of this election, every progressive victory this cycle will be the result of women.

This spring, the five of us came together to better understand how women are organizing and showing up in this unprecedented moment—and what’s driving them. As we crisscrossed the country, we met women who had never marched or picked up a protest sign before and were now doing things they could never have imagined.

The woman in Austin, Texas, who fought for and won maternity coverage at the tech company where she works and said, “But I realized it’s not enough—I need to get involved in politics.”

The women from Nashville, Tennessee, to Wisconsin who shared the multiple barriers they’ve faced in the workplace and in politics, from sexual harassment to racial discrimination, but who’d resolved not to give up or in.

The immigrant women, working-class women, teachers, students, doctors, nurses, candidates, and more. The one thing they all had in common? They were on fire. And they were relieved and energized to be together. As a transgender woman said at the end of one of our gatherings: she was glad to be in a room full of other women and to be included in a movement that fights for all.

Over and over, women told us that our political process as it functions (or doesn’t function) now neither speaks to nor works for women. With a sigh, a longtime activist in Cedar Rapids, Iowa, put it best: “I will run the phone banks again this election, as I have for the last several years, but ultimately, I’m working within a system built by men, for men.” And a single mom in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, broke down in tears as she described how hard it is to work the two jobs it takes to afford daycare and groceries. Still, she showed up for two hours on her only day off—her 4-year-old daughter in tow—to talk about what we can do to make America a better place for all of us.

Once, in Pennsylvania, we asked a group of women to share when over the past 24 months they felt most powerful. A few women talked about standing up for themselves at work or for their students at school or for their neighbors when they went to the airport to protest the Muslim ban. When it was the last woman’s turn, she turned to us and said, “This might sound cheesy, but I feel powerful listening to all of you talk about the things you have done.”

Women are done with zero-sum politics. We know this can and should be a nation that holds us all up, rather than pitting us against each other.

We felt that sentiment wherever we traveled, whether women were listening to immigrant women tell their stories in Arizona or applauding the grassroots efforts of Black women who are changing the electorate in Georgia. In other words: Women are done with zero-sum politics. We know this can and should be a nation that holds us all up, rather than pitting us against each other.

Defending democracy and expanding justice is women’s work; it always has been. But there’s something unique about this moment for women. In the past, our activism has helped change the country; but we’ve never run the country. We’ve changed the rules, but never made them. We’ve influenced the culture, but we’ve never shaped it. We’ve powered everything, but we’ve never truly owned power in this country. It’s time for that to change.

Women want to do more than “resist.” We want to no longer be an afterthought or an accommodation—to move past arguing for an incremental improvement in the gender pay gap, a few more seats in the legislature, or a slight improvement in family leave and access to childcare.

We are rising up together to demand economic, political, and cultural equality. Together, we have the power to make communities and workplace safe for women. We can make every job a job that pays enough to sustain a family, because we’ve been working hard for too little for too long. We can take care of caregivers, support families instead of tearing them apart, and treat everyone with the dignity and respect they deserve. We can champion racial justice. And we can and must build a political system that lifts up and addresses women’s everyday needs, such as good public schools, affordable health care, quality childcare, and a just immigration policy.

The question is not if, but how and when women in America will fully build the political power necessary to ensure that the issues that keep us up at night are not dismissed or marginalized, but front and center in the national debate. To do this, we’re going to support the leadership of trans women, because the same gender norms have oppressed us all. We’re going to follow Black women, Native women, and immigrant women, because we know a hopeful future for our democracy depends on it. That’s why we are building a multi-generational, multi-racial movement.

For women, November 6th is not the end; it’s the beginning.

Alicia Garza, Director of Strategy and Partnerships, National Domestic Workers Alliance; Principal, Black Futures Lab; Co-founder, Black Lives Matter.

Ai-jen Poo, Executive Director, National Domestic Workers Alliance; Co-Director, Caring Across Generations

Cecile Richards, author, labor and women’s rights activist, and former President of Planned Parenthood

Deirdre Schifeling, Executive Director, Planned Parenthood Action Fund

Katherine Grainger, Strategist, Principal, Civitas Public Affairs Group



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How The Wing Became a Secret Weapon For Midterm Candidates


Four hundred women are packed into New York’s SoHo branch of The Wing—the women’s community and co-working space launched by Audrey Gelman and Lauren Kassan in 2016—and they’re hanging on Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez’s every word. Bowls of popcorn balance on their laps, iPhones raised to snap photos of the Democratic socialist darling in one of New York City’s most instagrammable environments. Though members are used to high-profile women coming in to speak, Ocasio-Cortez’s visit couldn’t have come at a more crucial time: Weeks before one of the most contentious midterm election cycles in history comes to an end, and days after Donald Trump’s Supreme Court pick Brett Kavanaugh was sworn in after denying sexual assault allegations brought forth by California professor Christine Blasey Ford.

The audience is fired up and The Wing’s core ethos—a safe space for women—feels particularly palpable.

It’s easy for the casual observer to write off the women-focused coworking and social club as a place where all-access members pay up to $250 a month (or upwards of $2,700 a year) to bask in flawlessly designed loft-like spaces that includes retro phone booths cheekily named after scrappy female fictional characters; a place where Glossier and Chanel products line the bathroom; a place to snack on ancient grain bowls and pressed juices from equally Instagrammable local cafes.

But in the span of two years, The Wing has quietly leveraged its brand of glamorous feminism to become an increasingly influential hub for 6,000 millennial women…and politicians trying to reach them.

“The Wing isn’t just a functional space, it’s a real symbol of what’s happening in our country,” Ocasio-Cortez told Glamour before her event earlier this month. The company represents “one of the most potent forces that we’ve seen emerge in politics this year,” she said, adding that she’s appeared before its members twice.

At all five locations—three in New York, one in D.C., and one in California—members can register to vote, get tips on calling elected officials to protest family separation, and interface with female candidates and politicians who drop by. The same way celebrities and professionals like Christiane Amanpour, Fran Drescher, Katie Couric, Tina Fey, and Aly Raisman drop by, so do powerful women in government including Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton, former Obama aide Valerie Jarrett, Sen.Tammy Duckworth, and Sen. Dianne Feinstein.

PHOTO: SARA WIGHT/The Wing

Wing women, photographed here in midterm election merchandise, encourage members to register to vote.

From its inception, The Wing has been primed for this level of connection—Gelman is a former press representative who worked on the 2013 campaign of the New York City comptroller Scott Stringer, while the company’s senior director of civic engagement, Giovanna Lockhart Gray, and its senior director of communications, Zara Rahim, both have political campaign work under their belts. Gray says the goal is to make politics more accessible to members while simultaneously impressing the importance of women’s participation. “We’re meeting people where they are—literally,” she said.

Though the language they use might not include “suffrage” and there’s now avocado toast on the menu, The Wing is the latest in a long history of women-focused organizations meeting to get stuff done—just perfectly optimized for the 21st century. According to Alexis Coe, a historian and host of The Wing’s forthcoming podcast “No Man’s Land,” there were over 5,000 women’s clubs in America by 1906.

“Women’s social clubs promised greater political participation by women. And it terrified politicians,” Coe says, referencing a quote from former president Grover Cleveland, who once said the object and intent of these clubs “are not only harmful, but harmful in a way that directly menaces the integrity of our homes.” It “reeks of fear,” Coe adds.

Women’s club’s have been political in nature since their inception, not only in pushing toward social goals like suffrage, but by structuring themselves the same way a government would. “In major cities throughout the nation, larger women’s clubs were increasingly organized with ‘departments’ like Education, Social Economics and Industrial Conditions,” Coe says. And they were born of necessity—many of the issues important to women were not of interest (or completely opposed) by male municipal leaders in the towns where these clubs formed, Coe says.

In short, women aren’t new to this. And they don’t just know how to galvanize—they’re pros at organizing, too.

“Activism, and especially political mobilization, is the most important thing we can do as women,” said Oluremi Olufemi, 26, an all-access Wing member who was in the audience for Ocasio-Cortez and has come to hear Clinton and Gillibrand speak. But even she acknowledged that busy schedules makes it difficult to get out there. “Honestly, I work a lot, so there aren’t a lot of times where I can go to my community board meetings [and] interface with politicians on a day-to-day basis,” Olufemi said.

A visit to the Wing connects politicians to women who tweet, donate and vote—or know people who vote in their home district. For candidates, Wing members are “very influential, well-educated audience” to want to get in front of, said Gray.

In response to the 2016 presidential election, there’s a particular enthusiasm for supporting fresh faces to buck against the status quo and incumbents, making the Wing a welcoming environment for newbie candidates like Alessandra Biaggi, 32, The Wing’s first member to have run successfully for office. (Biaggi, a progressive, beat 58-year-old New York State Senator Jeff Klein in the Democratic primary for the 34th state Senate district in an upset this September.)

As an insurgent candidate, Biaggi could not count on establishment support. She called Wing members her “secret weapons” as she went up against a man who spent an astounding $2 million on his campaign. “One of the things that my opponent didn’t have was the support of these women—especially when they all learned that he was one of the reasons why women’s health was not advanced in New York,” she said. (Klein was also accused of sexual misconduct in January of this year.)

Valerie Jarrett at The Wing

PHOTO: The Wing

Valerie Jarrett, former top aide to President Barack Obama, speaks to Wing SoHo members at a midterm election event.

“[The Wing] goes against the narrative of women don’t help other women,” Biaggi said. “The Wing is a place where women are helping other women.” While Biaggi says she hasn’t added up exact numbers of donations from Wing members, she said the donations and volunteer support from the organization were “tangible enough to feel the impact.” And that matters, considering that women struggle with raising as much money as male candidates, according to this New York Times report.

“Women candidates start at a deficit,” said Stephanie Shriock, president of EMILY’S List, a political action committee that assists pro-choice Democratic women candidates. “The first people you go to when you fundraise are your friends. For women, those are often women—and let’s face it, females make less than men in this country and women of color make substantially less.”

Therefore, women who run for office have “a pool of potential supporters who just have less money,” she continued. “And that makes it challenging.”

This is significant because smaller contributions are making “huge, huge differences” this election cycle and those donations are “coming from women giving $25, $35, maybe $50 to these candidates,” Shriock explained. “[It’s] just adding up because of the power of the numbers.”

“By introducing their members to women candidates who care deeply about the issues that impact them, The Wing has helped foster new networks and inspire political engagement.”

Something else The Wing has over your typical campaign rally audience? Social media savviness.

Gray cited Georgia gubernatorial candidate Stacey Abrams as an example of a candidate who “wanted to get in front of this audience, not because we could influence an election in Georgia but she knew that this audience would tweet about her,” she said.

The Wing

PHOTO: SARA WIGHT

Wing members listen in on a voter registration training.

“I’m excited to have had the opportunity to speak with women from Georgia and across the country at The Wing and engage in conversation about ways we can build community and connect women to opportunity,” Abrams told Glamour in a provided statement. “By introducing their members to women candidates who care deeply about the issues that impact them, The Wing has helped foster new networks and inspire political engagement.” (Abrams’ spokesperson did not respond to emails asking if her campaign had received a donation bump after appearing at The Wing.)

The Wing’s physical spaces also naturally solve a problem faced by grassroots organizers and political parties of how to keep people engaged: Wing members are always there, sitting on a velvet couch, refreshing Twitter and sipping a chai latte. The community exists, it’s just waiting to be activated.

“I think you’re going see a lot of the candidates want to come through The Wing because they know that this is a really valuable audience that they want on their side,” Gray said.

This is especially true given the fact that voter turnout for midterm elections can be alarmingly low—in 2014, one of the worst years on record, only 43 percent of eligible women voters cast their ballots (compared to the 63 percent of eligible women voters who came out for the 2016 presidential election). The Wing, and the candidates that come through, are well aware that the roots they set now can determine political engagement for the future, whether we’re facing an election or not.

“[O]ur mission, which is the social economic and civic advancement of women, does not just go away because there’s not an election” said Rahim. “2019 is not an off year. We are going to have to keep working at this, considering all of the issues that are important to many of our members — whether that’s immigration, reproductive rights, paid family leave. These things don’t just happen in midterm and presidential years.”


Jessica Wakeman is a writer in Brooklyn. Her work has appeared in Glamour, Rolling Stone, Bitch, Bust, and other publications.

MORE: The Wing’s Next Big Move? Child Care For Working Moms





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Ivanka Trump's Curious Absence From the Midterm Campaign Trail


From the moment Ivanka Trump strode to the podium at the 2016 Republican National Convention in Cleveland to introduce her father, she’s held a special place in his plan and in American politics. Wearing a simple pink dress from her now-defunct fashion line, a congenial addition to the fiery lineup of Trump supporters calling for his opponent to be locked up, she delivered a promise: Donald Trump would come to the Oval Office with an intention to treat women with the respect and compassion they deserved.

The address got great reception. Ivanka’s stock went up, and she was widely perceived as someone who could tailor her father’s bluster into a message that younger women, moderates and independents could get behind.

And it seemed to work: her dad went on to defeat Hillary Clinton with considerable support from white female voters.

That was then. Now, just days remain in one of the most wildly contentious midterm elections in modern history. Women, as candidates and voters, have been squarely center stage. You’d expect Ivanka Trump—the figure who said her priority as the daughter of a would-be president (and later, his advisor) would be women—to be front and center. But, largely, she’s been absent from the scene.

While her father, brothers, and much of the political class keep up a breakneck campaign-trail pace, Ivanka seems to be sticking to her day job. A spokesperson for the 36-year-old didn’t immediately respond to a request for comment, but she, along with other women of the White House, will reportedly be hitting the trail for certain candidates in the big run-up to November 6—a day that could end up saying a lot about how Americans feel about not just the people on the ballot, but the president and his party.

You’d expect Ivanka—the figure who said her priority as the daughter of the president would be women—to be front and center. But, largely, she’s been absent.

It’s not that she hasn’t been seen at all. Over the summer, she took a break from her work promoting women’s equal pay and STEM education issues to attend a GOP fundraiser with House Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy in Fresno, California. The event drew protesters who figured out where it was being held, despite reported attempts to keep the location quiet. But watchers of this midterm cycle’s campaign trail don’t think it would hurt to see more of her.

Amy Tarkanian, a former Nevada Republican Party chairwoman whose husband, Danny, is running for Congress, says she would love to see Trump publicly pitching GOP candidates: “Oh, I think she would be incredibly helpful,” she told Glamour in a phone conversation. “I think she’s the voice that most women never thought they had.”

While her father and brothers have their own communication styles and have put them to use out on the trail, the First Daughter is “able to take a stand with grace and elegance, and still exude this enormous amount of power, also mixed in with femininity,” Tarkanian said. “I think a lot of people on either side of the aisle [seem] to view her as a voice of reason, which I think is extremely powerful in this environment where you’ve got [people going] far to the right, far to the left, and toxicity all wrapped into one giant ball.”

Although she thinks an Ivanka arena-style appearance has the potential to draw “thousands,” Tarkanian—who jokingly calls herself a “taxi mom” for all the time she spends chauffeuring her own kids around—isn’t willing to lay into the presidential scion for not being on the trail 24/7. If Ivanka Trump doesn’t go into full barnstorming mode, “I don’t think it’s ‘disappointing.’ I think people realize she’s a mom, she’s a wife, she’s a daughter. She’s in a role that I don’t believe [any] other first daughter’s ever had,” she says.

“[Trump’s] got so many roles. There’s no way—I mean, I’m a mom of four and a wife and a daughter, and I feel like I need an assistant with an assistant with an assistant. So I understand completely, and I think most women would who are in this role of the parent in a middle class family trying to get everyone from Point A to Point B.”

Whether the First Daughter’s presence would still draw ire from those who criticize her for being quiet about other high-profile administration fumbles is unclear. As both daughter and aide to her father—and one whose husband, Jared Kushner, is also a top White House advisor—she’s also been called out for not being vocal enough in opposing administration policies that would seem to run counter to her message of caring for women and children. High on that list: Opposing the separation of migrant families at the U.S.-Mexico border. Ivanka eventually described the separations as a “low point” and publicly said she opposed them (while still calling immigration a complex issue).

PHOTO: NICHOLAS KAMM

The advisor to the president also got name-checked during the divisive confirmation of new Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh: A-listers demanded she live up to her self-proclaimed feminism by pushing for an FBI investigation into sexual assault allegations against the judge. (Kavanaugh denied the claims; after a briefly renewed FBI background check, he ultimately got confirmed in a close Senate vote.)

Elizabeth Renda, a spokeswoman for the Democratic National Committee, told Glamour via email that “whether she shows her face on the campaign trail or not, Americans won’t forget Ivanka Trump’s complicity in the Trump administration’s dangerous rhetoric and harmful policies, which consistently hurt working and middle-class families.”

But ultimately, says Sarah Chamberlain of the non-profit Republican Main Street Partnership, it’s up to the candidates to make their own sales to voters.It’s been great to have Ivanka bring some attention to officials’ work and “highlighting key policies and initiatives that we’ve championed,” Chamberlain said, but “our members are focusing on their own major accomplishments and wins.”


Celeste Katz is senior political reporter for Glamour. Send news tips, questions, and comments to celeste_katz@condenast.com.In a pivotal election year, Glamour is keeping track of the historic number of women running (and voting) in the midterm elections. For more on our latest midterm coverage, visit www.glamour.com/midterms.

MORE: In a Record-Breaking Election Year for Women, Here Are the Races to Watch





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Virginia Kase's Midterm Plan: Make It Easier for Women to Vote


Nearly 26 years after Virginia Kase voted in her first election, her voice still rings with the hurt and frustration she felt that day. “I [was] excited. It [was] this great rite of passage [and] I go to the table to register, and I look over and my mom’s having a problem.”

While it was the first time Kase, now 46, had ever set foot in a polling station, her foster mother—originally from Puerto Rico—was a regular voter. Still, Kase said, “Her English wasn’t perfect. Sometimes people didn’t understand her. So I went over to make sure she was okay and able to communicate… They were asking her for proof of residence. And I was horrified.”

Now, in her first interview as the incoming CEO of the League of Women Voters, Kase told Glamour that the memory of feeling powerless to intervene on behalf of her own mother brings a deeply personal dimension to her new mission: Helping as many Americans as possible exercise their right to vote.

“I never want anybody to have to go through what my mom went through,” Kase said during a phone conversation.”She was able to vote that day. She went home, she got a utility bill, she came back, she slammed it on the table, and she made sure that her vote counted… But there are a lot of women who don’t have that same comfort with going back and doing what they need to do.”

Kase comes to the League with a track record of work with organizations focused on immigrant and civil rights. Until mid-July, she’s COO of CASA and CASA in Action, where her responsibilities range from political strategy to collective bargaining. (Her tenure at the League begins July 25.) No stranger to politics, her background also includes years spent with organizations that addressed youth gang violence and fostered career training in her hometown of Hartford, Connecticut.

She joins the nonpartisan League—founded in 1920, the same year American women won the right to vote—in the sprint to November’s crucial midterm elections.

“I think that women are going to do tremendous things this year. It’s a unique time in our history,” Kase said.

The League claims more than 300,000 members and supporters spanning all 50 states. It promotes voter registration and education, opposes policies it identifies as voter suppression, and supports reforming campaign finance and gun laws.

“One of the things [that] drew me to the League— in addition to [the] historic significance of this amazing organization that is nearly 100 years old—is this renewed focus on diversity, equity and inclusion,” she said. “Lifting up women of color [and] also bringing more young women into the fold [are] two things that for me are extremely important.”

A wealth of research suggests requiring photo ID or even proof of citizenship can have an outsized impact on minority, young, and low-income voters. The strictest proposals, championed in the name of election integrity, have run into trouble in the courts; President Donald Trump’s own claims of widespread voter fraud remain unproven.

“It’s extraordinarily important that we make voting as easy as possible. We don’t want to create barriers,” Kase said. “It’s unjust, and something that the League will continue to fight against to ensure that everybody is able to exercise their Constitutional right to vote.”

Kase, now herself a mother of two, says her first vote back in 1992 was the moment when she “realized that my perfect English, the way that I look, was different from my mom. [It] really showed me the privilege that existed within me, and that I needed to do something about it.”

The University of Maryland graduate will bring that memory to the new job—along with the backstory of coming up in Hartford at a time when youth violence was so bad that a National Guard-run program for high school dropouts was shut down after being overrun by gangs. “I grew up in a community where people went to jail,” says Kase. That experience shaped her interest in another goal: Restoring voting rights to people who have lost them after a felony conviction.

But, with all the work of engaging women voters and helping them exercise their right ahead of her, does Kase believe American politics can really be changed by the so-called “pink wave?”

“I hope so. I think the wave has been coming for a long time. Even since before Donald Trump, women are educating themselves [more] on the issues, and you have organizations like the League [that] are focused on making sure that people have the right information,” she said. “I do hope that people turn out in record numbers this year, [just] as we [are seeing] more women run for office this year than in years before… Certainly, we’re gonna work our butts off to make that happen.”





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